Andrea Dworkin was right
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Dedicated to the writings of Andrea Dworkin. “I'm a radical feminist, not the fun kind."
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Modern Times Interview of Andrea Dworkin With Larry Josephson Radio Program, American Public Radio (1992)
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Many women, I think, resist feminism because it is an agony to be fully conscious of the brutal misogyny which permeates culture, society, and all personal relationships.—Our Blood (1976)
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Many women, I think, resist feminism because it is an agony to be fully conscious of the brutal misogyny which permeates culture, society, and all personal relationships.—Our Blood (1976)
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Many women, I think, resist feminism because it is an agony to be fully conscious of the brutal misogyny which permeates culture, society, and all personal relationships.
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In general then, women do the lowest work of the society whatever that lowest work is perceived to be; and when women are the primary workers in a field, the field itself takes on the females' low status.
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All women of all races should recognize that male bonding takes precedence over racial bonding except in one particular kind of rape:
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Empirically speaking, sexual liberation was practiced by women on a wide scale in the sixties and it did not work: that is, it did not free women. Its purpose—it turned out—was to free men to use women without bourgeois constraints, and in that it was successful.
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One of the reasons that women are kept in a state of economic degradation—because that's what it is for most women—is because that is the best way to keep women sexually available.
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that is, where the woman is viewed as the property of one race, class, or nationality, and her rape is viewed as an act of aggression against the males of that race, class, or nationality.—Our Blood (1976)
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How, then, do we define rape?—Our Blood (1976)
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While gossip among women is universally ridiculed as low and trivial, gossip among men, especially if it is about women, is called theory, or idea, or fact.
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I am going to ask you to remember that as long as a woman is being bought and sold anywhere in the world, you are not free, nor are you safe.—Life and Death (1997)
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Feminism requires precisely what misogyny destroys in women: unimpeachable bravery in confronting male power. Despite the impossibility of it, there is such bravery: there are such women, in some periods millions upon millions of them.
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We can't even make people understand that when you torture a woman in pornography, when you do to a woman what you wouldn't do to a dog or cat, there might be something wrong with it.
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If women are human beings, as feminists suspect, then crimes of violence against women are human rights violations that occur on a massive, almost unimaginable scale.
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There is the fear of having murdered because so many men believe so passionately that she has. To many men, each aborted pregnancy is the killing of a son—and he is the son killed. His mother would have killed him if she had had the choice.
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Empirically speaking, sexual liberation was practiced by women on a wide scale in the sixties and it did not work: that is, it did not free women. Its purpose—it turned out—was to free men to use women without bourgeois constraints, and in that it was successful.
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The male Right wants to hide the pornography, and the male Left wants to hide its meaning. Both want
access to pornography so that men can be encouraged and energized by it. The Right wants secret access; the Left wants public access.
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This should not have to be said but it has to be said: prostitution comes from male dominance, not from female nature.
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In Nevada, where prostitution is legal, women on welfare have been forced off welfare because they refused to accept the suitable employment of prostitution; once it is a legal, state-regulated job, there is no basis for refusing it.
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The worst thing that happens to women is that women are taught to conform. Women are taught to conform in terms of dress, in terms of behavior, in terms of belonging, in terms of being stupid. We’re especially taught to be stupid, especially for boys.
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These men have a peculiarly retroactive and abstract sense of murder: if she had had a choice, I would not have been born—which is murder. The male ego, which refuses to believe in its own death, now pushes backward, before birth.—Right-Wing Women (1983)
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Women do not think of themselves in utero when they think either of being pregnant or of aborting; men think of pregnancy and abortion primarily in terms of themselves, including what happened or might have happened to them back in the womb when as one cell they were themselves.
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Men are a privileged gender class over and against women. One of their privileges is the right of rape. Men agree, by law, custom, and habit, that women are sluts and liars. Men will form alliances, or bonds, to protect their gender class interests.
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This should not have to be said but it has to be said: prostitution comes from male dominance, not from female nature. It is a political reality that exists because one group of people has and maintains power over another group of people.
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Everywhere, women are confronted by the urgency of male demands, all of which are supposed to supersede in importance the demands which women must make toward our own integrity. This story is so old that it should be tired and dead, but it is not.
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Men come to me or to other feminists and say: "What you're saying about men isn't true. It isn't true of me. I don't feel that way. I'm opposed to all of this." And I say: don't tell me. Tell the pornographers. Tell the pimps. Tell the warmakers. Tell the rape apologists.
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Once the baby is born, this product of the mother's labor, made from the raw materials of her body, does not belong to her. It belongs to a man. It belongs to one who did not and cannot produce it.
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A woman has a right to her own bed, a home she can’t be thrown out of, and for her body not to be ransacked and broken into. She has a right to safe refuge, to expect her family and friends to stop the batterer—by law or force—before she’s dead.
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We can talk about the way capitalism is organized, the way multinationals work, the way cheap labor is exploited by exploiting all kinds of people on the basis of race & class but the fact of the matter is that when women are economically dependent, women are sexually available.
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The goal of feminists who are fighting pornography is to end the hierarchy, the objectification, the exploitation: the dominance of men over women and children.—Letters from a War Zone (1988)
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Remember, rape is not committed by psychopaths or deviants from our social norms—rape is committed by exemplars of our social norms.—Our Blood (1976)
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Women are perceived to be appalling failures when we are sad. Women are pathetic when we are angry. Women are ridiculous when we are militant. Women are unpleasant when we are bitter, no matter what the cause. Women are deranged when women want justice.
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Men believe the pornography, in which the women always want it. Men believe the pornography, in which women resist and say no only so that men will force them and use more and more force and more and more brutality.
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These women were murdered—because they were women but also because they were engineering students; because they were learning a male science; because they wanted sacred male knowledge.
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Pornography is a specific system of exploitation. It is exploiting the women who are used to make it. It is used in hurting women once it’s a product. It very much affects the way men see women and it does increase, according to laboratory tests, male aggression against women.
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The hurting of women is so basic to the sexual pleasure of men, to the social and sexual dominance that men exercise over women, to the economic degradation imposed on women by men,
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Sadly, we are as invisible to ourselves as we are to men. We learn to see with their eyes—and they are near blind. Our first task, as feminists, is to learn to see with our own eyes.—Our Blood (1976)
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Depression is commonplace among women because women are often angry at the conditions of their lives, at what they must do because they are women, at the way they are treated because they are women; and depression truly is anger turned inward.
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Abortion is also ideologically central to understanding women's condition. What abortion means to women is the absolute right to control the reproductive functions of our own bodies.
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Women are usually killed in isolation, not in a public place. Women are usually killed simply for being women, not for being feminists. The women who are most often killed by strangers are women who live out on the streets—women in prostitution or homeless women.
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Women are especially given to giving up what we know and feel to be right and true for the sake of others or for the sake of something more important than ourselves. This is because the condition in which women live is a colonized condition.
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When we talk about pornography that objectifies women, we are talking about the sexualization of insult, of humiliation; I insist that we are also talking about the sexualization of cruelty.
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To be a feminist means recognizing that one is associated with all women not as an act of choice but as a matter of fact. The sex-class system creates the fact. When that system is broken, there will be no such fact.
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A woman is an individual and women are a class. The class of women includes women of every race, economic and social condition, in every society on the face of this globe.—Life and Death (1988)
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Feminists call this often painful process of learning to see with our own eyes consciousness-raising. We discard the eyes of men, which had become our eyes.
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Pornography is at the heart of male supremacy and that is true whether the pornography is in public or in private.
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The brutal uses to which female bodies are put in pornography are real; women suffer these abuses on a global scale, day after day, year after year, generation after generation.
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We cannot change what is wrong with our feminism if we are willing to accept the prostitution of women. Prostitution is serial rape: the rapist changes but the raped woman stays the same; money washes the man’s hands clean.—Life and Death (1997)
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In private, women often empathize with one another, across race and class, because their experiences with men are so much the same. But in public, including on juries, women rarely dare.
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Abortion is also ideologically central to understanding women's condition. What abortion means to women is the absolute right to control the reproductive functions of our own bodies.
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We're in a war that we're losing. If women don't decide their own lives matter, then their own lives won't matter.
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Women do not think of themselves in utero when they think either of being pregnant or of aborting; men think of pregnancy and abortion primarily in terms of themselves, including what happened or might have happened to them back in the womb when, as one cell, they were themselves
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Therefore, it is false to think that the inferior status of women will dissolve when women do productive labor or enter freely into high status professions.—Letters from a War-Zone (1989)
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Feminism is a much-hated political philosophy. This is true all along the male-defined, recognizable political spectrum from far Right to far Left. Feminism is hated because women are hated.
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The crime of rape against one woman is a crime committed against all women.—Our Blood (1976)
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Most of the women who say they are feminists but work to protect pornography are lawyers or academics: lawyers like the ones who walked away from Snuff; academics who think prostitution is romantic, an unrepressed female sexuality.
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Rape, in our society, is still not viewed as a crime against women.—Our Blood (1976)
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The magical function of money is gendered; that is to say, women are not supposed to have money, because when women have money, presumably women can make choices, and one of the choices that women can make is not to be with men.
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In Europe, the mass slaughter of the witches over a 300-year period was partly motivated by a desire to confiscate their property, their money—to take what wealth women had.
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Once the baby is born, this product of the mother's labor, made from the raw materials of her body, does not belong to her. It belongs to a man. It belongs to one who did not and cannot produce it. A baby who is not owned by a man does not have a legitimate civil existence.
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When men use women in prostitution, they are expressing a pure hatred for the female body. It is as pure as anything on this earth ever is or ever has been.
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The fact is that rape is not committed by psychopaths. Rape is committed by normal men. There is nothing, except a conviction for rape which is very hard to obtain, to distinguish the rapist from the nonrapist.—Our Blood (1976)
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Men who want to support women in our struggle for freedom and justice should understand that it is not terrifically important to us that they learn to cry; it is important to us that they stop the crimes of violence against us.—Our Blood (1976)
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The very existence of pornography derives from the male monopoly on speech: the centuries-old monopoly on literature, philosophy, science, social science, the unmitigated male control of ideas and of sexual ideology. Pornography as such could not exist in an egalitarian society;
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Feminists tell the tales over and over: how women contributed to this and that revolution and were sold out in the end, sent packing back to the house to clean it up after the revolutionary dust had settled, pregnant and poor; how women contributed to this
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No woman could be Nietzsche or Rimbaud without ending up in a whorehouse or lobotomized.—Right-Wing Women (1983)
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Sometimes even a feminist with a realistic knowledge of male hypocrisy and a strong stomach cannot believe the world she lives in.—Letters from a War Zone (1988)
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Empirically speaking, sexual liberation was practiced by women on a wide scale in the sixties and it did not work: that is, it did not free women. Its purpose—it turned out—was to free men to use women without bourgeois constraints, and in that it was successful.
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There are two definitions of woman. There is the good woman. She is a victim. There is the bad woman. She must be destroyed. The good woman must be possessed. The bad woman must be killed, or punished. Both must be nullified. —Woman Hating (1974)
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There’s one name especially I can never remember: the woman who was gang-raped on the pool table in New Bedford, Massachusetts, by four men while everyone else in the bar stood and watched and cheered.
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Rape is widespread. One characteristic of rape is that it silences women. Laws against rape have not functioned to protect the bodily integrity of women; instead, they have punished some men for using women who belong to some other men.—Letters from a War Zone (1988)
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Think about how marriage controlled women, how women were property under the law; this did not begin to change until the early years of the twentieth century. Think about the control the church had over women.
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She will find that her parents, doctor, the police, her best friend, the neighbors upstairs and across the hall and next door, all despise the woman who cannot keep her own house in order, her injuries hidden, her despair to herself, her smile amiable and convincing.
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In a male supremacist culture, the male condition is taken to be the human condition, so that, when any man speaks— for instance, as an artist, historian, or philosopher—he speaks objectively—
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We know that men like hurting us. We know it because they do it and we watch them liking it. We know that men like dominating us because they do it and we watch them enjoying it. We know that men like using us because they do it, and they do it, and they do it, and they do it.
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So many women I have known have spent every day of their lives fighting to stay alive, because of the despair they carry around with them from the sexual abuse that they have experienced in their lives. And these are brave, creative women.
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There are women calling themselves feminists though they have no particular commitment to women as a group and no credible interest in sexual politics as such.
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A woman has a right to her own bed, a home she can’t be thrown out of, and for her body not to be ransacked and broken into. She has a right to safe refuge, to expect her family and friends to stop the batterer—by law or force— before she’s dead.
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In pornography, this fetishizing of the female body, its sexualization and dehumanization, is always concrete and specific; it is never abstract and conceptual. That is why all these debates on the subject of pornography have such a bizarre quality to them.
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Pornographers use every attribute any woman has. They sexualize it. They find a way to dehumanize it.—Life and Death (1997)
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Girls are taught to be passive in relation to facts. Girls are not seen as the potential originators of ideas or the potential searchers into the human condition.
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Pornography's impact on the status of women is to keep all women second-class: targets of aggression and civilly inferior.—Letters from a War Zone (1988)
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When we women find the courage to defend ourselves, to take a stand against brutality and abuse, we are violating every notion of womanhood we have ever been taught. —Woman Hating (1974)
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Because women are everywhere, and because, as Shulamith Firestone said, a sex class is invisible because everyone takes it to be nature, and because many of the abuses that women systematically suffer are called sex,
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People are willing to cluck empathetically over the horror of rape as long as they are not made responsible for punishing the rapist.—Heartbreak (2002)
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There are women all along the male-defined political spectrum, including on both extreme ends of it, ready to sacrifice some women, usually not themselves, to the brothels or to the farms. The sacrifice is profoundly antifeminist; it is also profoundly immoral.
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Penetrative intercourse is, by its nature, violent. But I’m not saying that sex must be rape. What I think is that sex must not put women in a subordinate position. It must be reciprocal and not an act of aggression from a man looking only to satisfy himself. That’s my point.
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Every woman who has had experience with sexual violence of any kind has not just pain, and not just hurt, but knowledge—knowledge of male supremacy, knowledge of what it is, knowledge of what it feels like—and can begin to think strategically about how to stop it.
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I wanted to come here militant and proud and angry as hell. But more and more, I find that anger is a pale shadow next to the grief I feel.
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Men who use prostitutes think they are real big and real brave. They’re very proud of themselves—they brag a lot. They write novels, they write songs, they write laws— productive folk— and they have a sense that they are very adventurous and heroic, and why do they think that?
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I am asking you to stop passing: stop having feminism be part of a secret life. I am asking you not to apologize to anyone for standing up for women.—Life and Death (1997)
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Women are colonized by men, in body, in mind. Defined everywhere as evil when we act in our own self-interest, we strive to be good by renouncing self-interest altogether.—Letters from a War Zone (1988)
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Any man who is your true comrade will be committed to laying his body, his life, on the line so that you will be subjected to that indignity no longer. I ask you to look to your male comrades on the left, and to determine whether they have made that commitment to you.
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